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By Philip G. Zimbardo -
Stanford University
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Human Factors
Traffic safety has been improved by researchers in the area of human
factors and ergonomics through a better understanding of visual
perception. We now know that changing the standard color of red
emergency trucks to a lime-green color reduces accidents because that
greenish hue is better perceived in dim light. Similarly, changing
traffic sign fonts to increase their recognition at night is another
safety improvement resulting from psychological research by Allen
(1970), Solomon and King (1985), and Garvey,
Pietrucha, and Meeker (1997).
Scott Geller’s (2001, 2003) research program applies Skinnerian
behavior analysis to increase safe behaviors, reduce at-risk behaviors,
and prevent unintentional injuries at work and on the road. Such
unintentional injury is the leading cause of death to people ages 44
years and under. The behavior-based safety (BBS) approach for
increasing safety identifies critical behaviors that are targeted for
change, establishes baselines, applies change interventions, and
evaluates workers’ change away from specific risky behaviors to more
beneficial directions. This approach has been applied in thousands of
organizations with great success, such as in having people wear seat
belts and in occupational safety programs. The rate of reported
injuries after five years of implementation of this behavioral
approach decreased by as much as an average 72% across a number of
organizations (for a summary of the evidence for the extent of injury
reduction, see the report by Beth Sulzer-Azaroff & John Austin, 2000).
One indicator of the social significance of applying behavior analysis
is apparent in the Clinical Practice Guidelines of New York States’
(1999) Department of Health, Early Intervention Program: “It is
recommended that principles of applied behavior analysis (ABA) and
behavior intervention strategies be included as important elements in
any intervention program for young children with autism” (p. 13).
Navigational aids for the blind and visually impaired people have been
developed by psychologists Roberta
Klatsky and Jack Loomis, working with geographer Reginald Golledge (Loomis,
Klatsky, & Golledge, 2001)
over several decades. They utilize principles of spatial cognition
along with those of space and auditory perception to guide locomotion.
Their new technology is now in development funded by the National
Institute for Disability and Rehabilitation Research.
Criminal Justice
Cognitive and social psychologists have shown that eyewitness
testimony is surprisingly unreliable. Their research reveals the ease
with which recall of criminal events is biased by external influences
in interrogations and police line-ups. The seminal work of Beth Loftus
(1975, 1979, 1992) and Gary Wells (Wells & Olson, 2003), among others,
has been recognized by the U.S. Attorney General’s office in drawing
up national guidelines for the collection of accurate and unbiased
eyewitness identification (see
Malpass & Devine, 1981; Stebley, 1997).
The Stanford Prison Experiment has become a classic demonstration of
the power of social situational forces to negatively impact the
behavior of normal, healthy participants who began to act in
pathological or evil ways in a matter of a few days (Zimbardo, Haney,
Banks, & Jaffe, 1973). It added a new awareness of institutional power
to the authority power of Stanley Milgram’s (1974) blind obedience
studies (see Blass, 1999; Zimbardo, Maslach, & Haney, 1999). The
lessons of this research have gone well beyond the classroom. In part
as a consequence of my testimony before a Senate judiciary committee
on crime
and prisons (Zimbardo, 1974), its committee chair, Senator Birch Bayh,
prepared a new law for federal prisons requiring juveniles in pretrial
detention to be housed separately from adult inmates (to prevent their
being abused). Our participants were juveniles in the pretrial
detention facility of the Stanford jail. A video documentary of the
study, “Quiet Rage: The Stanford Prison Experiment,” has been used
extensively by many agencies within the civilian and military criminal
justice system as well as in shelters for
abused women. I recently discovered that it is even used to educate
role-playing military interrogators in the Navy SEAR (survival,
evasion, and resistance) program about the dangers of abusing their
power against others roleplaying pretend spies and terrorists (Annapolis
Naval College psychology staff, personal communication, September 18,
2003). The Web site for the Stanford Prison Experiment gets more than
500 visitors daily and has had more than 13 million unique page views
in the past four years (www.prisonexp.org). Those surprising figures should be telling us that we
must focus more effort on utilizing the power of the Web as a major
new medium for disseminating psychology’s messages directly to a
worldwide audience.
Education
Among the many examples of psychology at work in the field of
education, two of my favorites naturally have a social psychological
twist. Elliot Aronson and his research team in Austin, Texas, dealt
with the negative consequences of desegregated schools by creating
“jigsaw classrooms.”
Prejudice against minority children was rampant, those children were
not performing well, and elementary
school classes were marked by high degrees of tension. But when all
students were taught to share a set of materials in small learning
teams where each child has one set of information indispensable to the
rest of the team, and on which tests and grades depend, remarkable
things happened. All kids started to listen to the other kids,
especially minority kids who they used to ignore or disparage, because
such attention and cooperation is essential to getting a good grade.
Not only did the self-esteem of the minority
children escalate, but so did their academic performance, as prejudice
and discrimination went down. The techniques of the jigsaw classroom
are inexpensive for teachers to learn and to operationalize, so it is
no wonder that Aronson’s simple concept is now being incorporated into
the curricula of hundreds of schools in many states, with similarly
impressive results (Aronson, 1990; Aronson, Blaney, Stephan, Sikes, &
Snapp, 1978; Aronson & Gonzalez, 1988; Aronson & Patnoe, 1997).
Teaching young children interpersonal cognitive problem solving skills,
known as ICPS, reduces physical
and verbal aggression, increases coping with frustrations, and
promotes positive peer relationships. This research program developed
by Myrna Shure and George Spivak (1982) over the past several decades
is a major violence prevention approach being applied in schools and
family agencies in programs called “Raising a Thinking Child” and by
the U.S. Department of Education’s “I Can Problem Solve” program.
Health
Environmental health is threatened by a host of toxic substances, such
as lead, mercury, solvents, and pesticides. Experimental psychologists,
behavioral analysts, and psychometricians have helped create the field
of behavioral toxicology that recognizes the nervous system as the
target for many toxins, with defects in behavior and mental processes
as the symptomatic consequences. Pioneering work
by psychologist Bernard Weiss (1992, 1999) and others has had a
significant impact on writing behavioral tests into federal
legislation, thereby better regulating the use of a wide range of
neurotoxins in our environment. That research documents the
vulnerability of children’s developing brains to chemicals in the
environment. Among the many negative consequences of America’s
involvement in the Vietnam War was the explosion of the phenomenon of
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Many veterans were experiencing
this debilitating disorder that was uncovered during their
psychotherapy treatments.
The more we discovered about this delayed, persistent, intense stress
reaction to violence and trauma, the more we realized that veterans of
earlier wars had also experienced PTSD, but it was unlabeled. That was
also the case with many civilian victims of trauma, among them rape
victims and those who had experienced child abuse. PTSD has become a
well-recognized and publicly acknowledged phenomenon
today because it was one of the mental health consequences of the
monumental trauma from the terrorist
attacks on September 11, 2001, in New York City and Washington, DC.
Credit for the early recognition, identification, measurement, and
treatment of PTSD goes to the programs of research funded by the
Veteran’s Administration, which was pioneered by the research team of
clinical psychologist Terry Keane (Keane, Malloy, & Fairbank, 1984;
Weathers, Keane, & Davidson, 2001).
The Magic of Touch
One of the consequences of a host of amazing medical advances is
saving the lives of many premature infants who would have died even
just a decade ago. With modern intensive care, preemies weighing only
a few pounds now survive, but the essential hospital costs are
staggering, up to $10,000 a day for weeks or months! One simple
solution for sending them home sooner depends on accelerating their
growth by means of touch therapy. Psychologist Field extended earlier
research she had done with biologist Saul
Shanberg (Field, 1998; Field & Schanberg, 1990; Field et al., 1986) on
massaging infant rat pups that were motherless. Just as the infant
rats rapidly grew in response to that vigorous touch, so did the human
preemies. Massaging them several times a day for only 15 minutes was
sufficient to stimulate growth hormones. On average, such massaged
infants are able to go home six days sooner than comparison
preemies treated in the conventional way. Given 470,000 premature
infants are born each year in the United
States alone, it is evident that billions of dollars in health care
costs could be saved if this simple, inexpensive treatment was made
standard procedure in more hospital intensive care units (see also
Meltz, 2000).
To establish the societal value of any intervention designed to save
lives or enhance health and well-being,
one must systematically evaluate its cost-effectiveness. That means
establishing a ratio of the benefits compared with various cost
estimates of putting the intervention into operation and sustaining it
over time. Such a ratio was developed for dollar costs per year of
life saved and applied to more than 500 life-saving interventions (Tengs
et al., 1995). Across all of these interventions, the median cost was
$42,000 per year of life saved. Although some programs save more
resources than they cost, others cost millions of dollars for each
year of life they save and thus become of questionable social value.
Using this standard measure, we discover that new neonatal intensive
care for low-birth-weight infants (preemies) costs a whooping
$270,000 for each year of their lives saved. By that yardstick, the
inexpensive touch therapy intervention would dramatically reduce that
cost-effectiveness ratio. The puzzling issue then is why such a simple
procedure is not now standard operating procedure in every such
intensive care unit in the nation or the world? One goal of our
compendium development team is also to investigate why some
potentially useful interventions have not been applied in the venues
where they could make a significant difference. For instance, social
psychologists have shown convincingly that elderly patients in a home
for the aged
who were given a sense of control and responsibility over even minor
events became healthier and lived significantly longer than comparison
patients (Langer & Rodin, 1976; Rodin & Langer, 1977). Amazingly, this
simple, powerful intervention has not ever been utilized—even in the
institution where the research was conducted.
Undoing Dyslexia via Video Games
Treatment for dyslexia by speech therapists and counselors is a slow,
long, expensive, and frustrating experience for professionals, parents,
and children. Cognitive neuroscientist, Paula Tallal, is using new
functional magnetic resonance imaging techniques to identify the
source of reading dyslexia in brain regions that do not adequately
process fast appearing sound–sight phonemic combinations. She then
worked with a computer-programming agency to develop special video
games that systematically shape these children’s ever-faster responses
to various sights and sounds in the games. With this new technology,
children treat themselves in an atmosphere of entertainment and
adventure, rely only on intrinsic motivation of game playing, get
personalized feedback, and need minimal supervision by
highly skilled professionals. The special computerized video game is
called “Fast ForWord.” It provides intensive, highly individualized
adaptive training across a large number of cognitive, linguistic, and
reading skills that are vital for academic success. By adapting trial
by trial to each child’s performance, progress in aural and written
language skills of children with dyslexia is reduced to but a few
weeks from what had
been typically years of intervention efforts. Approximately 375,000
individuals have completed such training across 2,200 public schools
nationwide, and over 2,000 private practice professionals use Fast
ForWord programs in their clinics (for more information, visit
www.scientificlearning.com and
www.brainconnection.com ).
This sensitive application of psychological knowledge and new methods
blended with high technology has resulted in enhanced quality of life
for these children as well as their families and teachers, not to
mention much money and resources saved (see Holly Fitch & Tallal,
2003; Tallal & Benasich, 2002; Tallal, Galaburda, Llinas, & Von Euler,
1993).
Ph. Zimbardo
_part five
_part seven
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Philip G. Zimbardo
is an internationally recognized
scholar, educator, researcher and media personality, winning numerous
awards and honors in each of these domains. He has been a Stanford
University professor since 1968, having taught previously at Yale, NYU
and Columbia. Zimbardo's career is noted for giving psychology away to
the public through his popular PBS-TV series, Discovering Psychology,
along with many text and trade books, among his 300 publications. He
was recently president of the American Psychological Association.
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